Archive for the ‘ANTICOMMUNISM’ Category


December 19, 2016

Wall Street on December 16, 2016, published an article by Garry Kasparov on what happened after the fall of the Soviet Union 25 years ago. At first Gasparov was an optimist hoping for freedom and democracy for all peoples of the Soviet Union. Excerpts below:

Earlier visits to Western Europe confirmed my suspicions that it was in the U.S.S.R. where life was distorted, as in a funhouse mirror.

“Gorbachev’s perestroika is another fake,” Czech-American Director Milos Forman at a meeting warned that the Soviet leader’s loosening of state controls, “and it will end up getting more hopeful people killed.” I insisted that Mr. Gorbachev would not be able to control the forces he was unleashing. Mr. Forman pressed me for specifics: “But how will it end, Garry?”

I replied—specifics not being my strong suit—that “one day, Miloš, you will wake up, open your window, and they’ll be gone.”

The U.S.S.R. ceased to exist in 1991, but there are plenty of repressive, authoritarian regimes thriving in 2016. The difference, and I am sad to say it, is that the citizens of the free world don’t much care about dictatorships anymore, or about the 2.7 billion people who still live in them.

Ronald Reagan’s warning that “freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction” was never meant to be put to the test, but it is being tested now. If anything, Reagan’s time frame of a generation was far too generous. The dramatic expansion of freedom that occurred 25 years ago may be coming undone in 25 months.

The fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the U.S.S.R. was the end of watch for the anti-Communist coalition formed by Harry Truman after World War II.

The U.S. in 1992 had unrivaled global power and influence, more than at any other time in history. Yet instead of using it to shape a new global framework to protect and project the values of democracy and human rights—as Truman had done immediately to put Stalin in check—the free world acted as though the fight had been won once and for all.

Even worse, we made the same mistake in Russia and in many other newly independent states. We were so eager to embrace the bright future that we failed to address our dark past. There were no truth commissions, no lustration—the shining of light on past crimes and their perpetrators—no accountability for decades of repression.

We in Russia naively equated democracy with wealth, as if the ballot box functioned like an ATM—and we looked on enviously as many of our former Warsaw Pact brethren enjoyed the benefits of massive Western investment. With so few strings attached to the loans and credits Russia received, it was easy for the well-connected to game and profit from the system.

When Vladimir Putin took power in 2000, he found few obstacles capable of resisting his instinct to remake Russia in his own KGB image.

Mr. Putin’s vulgar rhetoric of security and national pride would have worn thin quickly had the price of oil not begun to skyrocket in the new millennium.

A rising cash flow enabled him to negotiate a Faustian bargain with the Russian people: your freedoms in return for stability. Few envisioned how far he would go in collecting on that bargain, but that’s always the trap with empowering authoritarians. Every step Mr. Putin took without consequences encouraged him to take another, and another.

Outside Russia, at every turn, Europe and the U.S. failed to provide the leadership the historic moment required. (Emphasis added by Varldsinbordeskriget)

Even today, members of the Western democratic establishment praise Mr. Putin as a “strong leader”—as he enters his 17th year of total power in an imploding Russia that millions have fled.

To paraphrase Tolstoy, every repressive state is repressive in its own way—but socialism has proved uniquely toxic. The utopian communist idea competed directly with capitalism and lost. Instead of admitting this failure, Soviet leaders squeezed the soul from their citizens by forcing them to perform in the macabre perversion of human nature that is totalitarian socialism.

Instead of believing that happy, successful individuals make for a successful society, socialism insists that a perfectly functioning system will produce happy individuals. When the system comes first, the individual becomes an afterthought. When the system fails, individuals are blamed for not surrendering to it enough.

The architects of the Cold War understood that there could be no lasting peace unless the Soviet Union was contained and opposed at every turn. That lesson has been forgotten, along with so many others.

In the old days, I was also asked regularly why I did not defect instead of spending half my time fighting my nemesis Anatoly Karpov at the chessboard and the other half fighting with the Soviet authorities. My answer was always the same, that I wanted to change my country and improve things for everyone, not just for myself.

Today, I live in exile New York City, driven there not by the Soviets but by a bloodthirsty Putin regime that has no ideology beyond power and money.

…25 years later, the thugs and despots are flourishing once again. They still reject liberal democracy and the free market—not because of a competing ideology like communism, but because they understand that those things are a threat to their power.

[There is] hypocrisy and apathy [among] the most powerful nations in the world. Crimea is annexed, Ukraine is invaded, ISIS is rallying, Aleppo is laid waste, and not a one of us can say that we did not know. We can say only that we did not care.

Globalization has made it easy for the enemies of the free world to spread their influence in ways the Soviet leadership couldn’t have imagined, while the West has lost the will to defend itself and its values.

Mr. Kasparov is the chairman of the New York-based Human Rights Foundation and the author of “Winter Is Coming: Why Vladimir Putin and the Enemies of the Free World Must be Stopped” (PublicAffairs, 2015).

Comment: Between 2008 and 2014 the West ignored the growing threat from Russia. After the Russian occupation of Crimea and hybrid warfare in eastern Ukraine the response of the West has been timid. The Obama administration has refused to give Ukraine military aid to defend itself. 25 years of neglecting the threat not only of Russia but of two other aggressive totalitarian empires, China and Iran, has left the West vulnerable. No doubt globalization, as Mr. Gasparov points out, has played into the hands of the enemies of the free world. It will now be up to the United States and a coalition of willing European nations to try to correct the mistakes made since 1992.


December 18, 2016

The Diplomat on October 10, 2016, published an article by geopolitician Francis P. Sempa on the divided China, the nomenklatura vs. the rest. Is the PRC bound for the same fate as the Soviet Union? Excerpts below:

China’s political system does not work. “If we place our foot incorrectly,” a China insider warned, “we could begin a disaster, violence and civil war.”

This is not the rosy picture of a rising China that normally fills the airwaves and popular media throughout much of Asia and the world. “China viewed from the inside is very different than China viewed from the outside,” the insider said.

Sempa relates a scene observed by an American professor visiting China:

a dozen people are standing “motionless . . . drab, glum, calm, resigned,” who were waiting “for their morning meal of scalding hot cabbage and mystery meat” from a small kitchen located on a “rundown square…a woman standing in line began yelling obscenities which triggered others in the line to do likewise, then the “whole previously passive line exploded,” shouting, cursing, and striking each other. After about a minute it was over.

Chinese friends immediately assured the American professor that he had finally seen “what China is really all about.” This, they told him, was “the real China.”

The other China—the military parades, the growing fleet, nuclear rockets, bullying of neighbors in the South China Sea, and the wealthy Communist Party cadres—is the surface underneath which lies “pressurized anger”…

The façade of a rising China on its way to becoming the next superpower hides the reality that after nearly 70 years in power the Communist Party has not attained one of its avowed goals—bringing about “a decent life for ordinary people.”

Instead, there are two Chinas—the China of the Communist Party and their urban dwelling associates and beneficiaries, who constitute the ruling elite or nomenklatura, and the hundreds of millions of people, many who live in the countryside “with no proper education, transport, [or] medical care.”

…Michael Voslensky in 1984 published the book Nomenklatura, when most Soviet experts in the West believed that the Soviet Union would endure well into the 21st century. Voslensky, a former Soviet insider, brought to light the parasitic nature of the communist ruling class in Russia. “The parasitic tendencies of a ruling class,” he wrote, “are the consequences of its monopoly position.” The nomenklatura is an “exploiting, privileged class . . . exercising dictatorial power” not to bring about a classless society but to attain power and privileges for the ruling elite. Voslensky’s book exposed “the antagonistic structure of the real socialist society.” Five years after the publication of Voslensky’s book, the Soviet Union collapsed.

Voslesnky’s analysis in Nomenklatura had much in common with the sociological studies of Vilfredo Pareto, Robert Michels and Gaetano Mosca, whose works were brilliantly synthesized by James Burnham in his 1943 book The Machiavellians. These political philosophers believed that a ruling class or elite governed in all countries, not just communist countries, and that the principal goal of all ruling classes was to maintain and increase their power and privileges.

Pareto, Michels, Mosca, and Burnham would likely say that Mao Zedong’s purpose right from the beginning was a Leninist-Stalinist monopoly of power and privilege in society. … they would surely believe that for today’s ruling elite in China—China’s nomenklatura—[m]aintaining Party rule, whatever the means, is the true purpose of all actions” of the communist ruling elite.

Comment: The Soviet Union collapsed in 1991 after a decade of confrontation with the West that opened up for resistance to the regime in the countries occupied. China has been less imperialistic since the communists took power in 1949. Early on Tibet was occupied. After the Korean War China has waited to start achieving Greater China in the South China Sea. Now it is looking to South East Asia, to the Pacific and perhaps north to Siberia. When the internally vulnerable Chinese regime attempts to widen its control in the Far East in the future a more determined push-back from the West could result in China’s regime sharing the fate of the Soviet regime.


December 7, 2016

US think tank Rand in the summer of 2016 released a report on “War with China”. Premeditated war between the United States is very unlikely according to Rand but both nation’s militaries have plans to fight a war if it comes. Excerpts from the report below:

As Chinese anti-access and area-denial (A2AD) capabilities improve, the United States can no longer be so certain that war would follow its plan and lead to decisive victory.

Technological advances in the ability to target opposing forces are creating conditions of conventional counterforce, whereby each side has the means to strike and degrade the other’s forces and, therefore, an incentive to do so promptly, if not first. This implies fierce early exchanges, with steep military losses on both sides, until one gains control. At present, Chinese losses would greatly exceed U.S. losses, and the gap would only grow as fighting persisted. But, by 2025, that gap could be much smaller. Even then, however, China could not be confident of gaining military advantage, which suggests the possibility of a prolonged and destructive, yet inconclusive, war. In that event, nonmilitary factors — economic costs, internal political effects, and international reactions — could become more important.

Main Findings

Both sides would suffer large military losses in a severe conflict. In 2015, U.S. losses could be a relatively small fraction of forces committed, but still significant; Chinese losses could be much heavier than U.S. losses and a substantial fraction of forces committed.

This gap in losses will shrink as Chinese A2AD improves. By 2025, U.S. losses could range from significant to heavy; Chinese losses, while still very heavy, could be somewhat less than in 2015, owing to increased degradation of U.S. strike capabilities.

China’s A2AD will make it increasingly difficult for the United States to gain military-operational dominance and victory, even in a long war.

…a war would harm both economies, damage to China’s would be far worse.

Because much of the Western Pacific would become a war zone, China’s trade with the region and the rest of the world would decline substantially.

China’s loss of seaborne energy supplies would be especially damaging.

A long conflict could expose China to internal political divisions.

Japan’s increased military activity in the region could have a considerable influence on military operations.


U.S. and Chinese political leaders alike should have military options other than immediate strikes to destroy opposing forces.

U.S. leaders should have the means to confer with Chinese leaders and contain a conflict before it gets out of hand.

The United States should reduce the effect of Chinese A2AD by investing in more-survivable force platforms (e.g., submarines) and in counter-A2AD (e.g., theater missiles).

The United States should conduct contingency planning with key allies, especially Japan.

The United States should ensure that the Chinese are specifically aware of the potential for catastrophic results even if a war is not lost militarily.

The United States should improve its ability to sustain intense military operations.

U.S. leaders should develop options to deny China access to war-critical commodities and technologies in the event of war.

The United States should undertake measures to mitigate the interruption of critical products from China.

Additionally, the U.S. Army should invest in land-based A2AD capabilities, encourage and enable East Asian partners to mount strong defense, improve interoperability with partners (especially Japan), and contribute to the expansion and deepening of Sino-U.S. military-to-military understanding and cooperation to reduce dangers of misperception and miscalculation.

Comment: It must be remembered that there is a doctrine of unrestricted warfare on the Chinese side including financial warfare to subvert banking systems and stock markets. Drug warfare is the Chinese plan to attack the fabric of US society by flooding the market with illicit drugs. Psychological and media warfare are other weapons in the Chinese arsenal. Last but not least the Chinese could unleash man-made earthquakes or other natural disasters. There is also a belief in China that it can take larger losses in life due to a much larger population than the United States.


November 21, 2016

De socialdemokratiska regeringarna i Sverige under det Kalla kriget med stöd av Sveriges Kommunistiska Parti (SKP; senare Vänsterpartiet) hade en “neutral” syn i Tysklandsfrågan. Stockholm hade diplomatiskt erkänt Förbundsrepubliken Tyskland (Västtyskland) och kom senare att även erkänna Tyska Demokratiska Republiken (den kommunistiska diktaturen i Östtyskland). Redan innan erkännandet hade den östtyska regimen fått inrätta ett ”privat” kulturcentrum i Stockholm, som bedrev kommunistisk propaganda i Sverige.

Självfallet kände man oro i Bonn över de östtyska propagandaframgångarna i främst Sverige och Danmark, länder med inflytande i Östersjöområdet. Det kom framför allt till uttryck inom det tyska Ministeriet för alltyska frågor:

…i augusti 1967 rapporterade det politiska Fachreferat II i alarmerande vändningar om DDR:s utrikespolitiska aktiviteter i det skandinaviska området.(Stefan Creuzberger, Kampf für die Einheit – Das gesamtdeutsche Ministerium und die politische Kultur des Kalten Krieges 1949 – 1969, s. 512).

Flera år innan ministeriet i Bonn uttryckte oro över DDR:s propagandaframgångar i Skandinavien bildades vid Lunds universitet en antikommunistisk studentorganisation (1963; Fri politisk informationstjänst, Inform), som bland annat strävade efter att informera om förtrycket i Östtyskland. En av grundarna av Inform var författaren till denna artikel, dåvarande juriststudenten Bertil Häggman.

Under 1963 och 1964 informerade medlemmarna (Inform hade uppskattningsvis omkring 50) om vad som pågick bakom muren i Berlin. Syftet var bland annat att motverka den östtyska propagandakampanj, som ägde rum varje sommar i samband med avhållande av Östersjöveckan i Rostock och längs den östtyska delen av den tyska kusten i norr.

Studenterna från Inform delade ut informationsmaterial om kommunismen, främst den östtyska, och om syftet med den östtyska propagandan i Sverige.

Under 1963 och 1964 samarbetade Inform med Informationsbüro West (IWE) i Berlin-Schlachtensee. Byrån bildades 1951 och leddes till 1964 av Dr. Helmut Bohlmann. Den ägdes av västtyska staten och distribuerade artiklar och information om Östtyskland. IWE avyttrades 1966 till privata köpare. Under hela verksamheten 1951 – 1966 utsattes byrån för östtyska propagandangrepp. Den Stasi-ledda hetskampanjen hävdade att IWE var en ”spioncentral”. Den västtyska regeringen å sin sida förklarade med bestämdhet att det enbart var en nyhetsbyrå, som specialiserade sig på bevakning av DDR.

Svensk utrikesförvaltning reagerar

I maj 1963 (se härom närmare i SOU 2002:90, en rapport av Säkerhetstjänstkommissionen, avsnittet ”Det ’röda’ Lund”) hade det svenska sändebudet i Bonn, Ole Jödahl, reagerat på ett brev från ordföranden i Kuratorium Unteilbares Deutschland (KUD), Dr Wilhelm Wolfgang Schütz. KUD hade bildats den 17 juni 1954, och var en halvstatlig organisation i Västtyskland som informerade om Östtyskland och arbetade för tysk enhet.

Schütz hade kontaktats av Inform, som önskade litteratur och informationsmaterial om den östtyska regimen och KUD:s arbete för tysk enhet. Nu ville dr Schütz veta mer om Inform. Beskickningen i Bonn visste ingenting om den antikommunistiska studentorganisationen i Lund. Nu skrev Jödahl till UD och ville ha en ”diskret” utredning. Han bifogade till en byråchef på UD i Stockholm en brevkopia han fått från KUD. I brevet fanns en presentation av Inform och en beskrivning av planer på en internationell konferens i Lund, som skulle behandla det kommunistiska förtrycket bakom järnridån och hållas i september 1963 med föredrag och filmvisningar. Här noteras att konferensen hölls först i maj 1964.

I SOU 2002:90 beskrivs drygt tio år efter Sovjetunionens kollaps Informs verksamhet i Trelleborg i juni-juli 1963 på följande sätt:

Inform hade i Lund och Trelleborg satt upp affischer mot svenskt deltagande i Östersjöveckan. I samband med utresan från Trelleborg samt ombord på färjan hade gruppen delat ut engelska, tyska och svenska broschyrer. I östtyska radions sändningar ska enligt Säkerhetspolisen (Säpo) verksamheten ha uppmärksammats.

Två säkerhetspoliser rapporterade sommaren 1963 (Inform, fri politisk informationstjänst, MM-ASIIB 29.8.63):

Då deltagarna till Östersjöveckan utreste från Trelleborg uppehöllo sig några ynglingar vid färjeläget och delade ut broschyrer och förde antikommunistisk propaganda bland resenärerna. Enligt uppgift lär ett par ynglingar ha rest med färjan en tur och retur och delat ut broschyrer till passagerarna. Vid färjans avgång från Trelleborg den 6.7.63 uppehöll sig fyra ynglingar vid färjeläget och delade ut broschyrer till resenärerna.

De två poliserna konstaterade att en av broschyrutdelarna var författaren till denna artikel. Som komplettering till rapporten bifogades en broschyr, som delades ut vid färjan, samt fem tidningsurklipp.

Inom den dåvarande Statspolisen hade man åsikten att en antikommunist inte kunde vara demokrat. Därför innehåller en annan rapport från Trelleborg till Statspolisens högkvarter i Stockholm denna kommentar:

Inom kommittén vill man framhålla att det är möjligt att vara demokrat och antikommunist samtidigt.

Bevakningen från Säkerhetspolisens sida fortsatte under 1964. Två säkerhetspoliser rapporterade sommaren 1964:

Medlemmar av organisationen har i samband med Östersjöveckan också nedlagt en krans på den på den plats i Trelleborgs färjeläge, där en östtysk flykting förolyckades, då han hoppade från den östtyska färjan.

Även nu konstaterades att författaren till denna artikel var med bland “de demonstrerande”.

Ett ex av den utdelade broschyren bifogades även denna gång. Nu följde tre tidningsurklipp med.

Ännu så sent som 1988 hade STASI hård kontroll på färjeförbindelsen Trelleborg – Sassnitz (dokument STASI-arkivet, Berlin 61). Ansvarig huvudavdelning vid den östtyska spionorganisationen var huvudavdelningen HA XIX. Den hade till uppgift att övervaka bland annat sjöfart och se till att det inte flydde någon från DDR.

Trelleborgsövervakningen leddes av generalmajor Braun under den sista tiden före Berlinmurens fall 1989.

I dokumentet från den 4 augusti 1988 framgår att färjornas lastdäck var spärrade för östtyska medborgare som nu tilläts göra endagsutflykter med färjan. Vid infarten till Trelleborg låstes dörrarna till bil- och tågdäck.

STASI varnade för riskerna att endagsutflykterna kunde leda till försök att fly till Sverige:
På grund av det ökande faran för att man lämnar DDR i strid mot lagstiftningen om gränssäkerhet av den 13 augusti 1961 vid dagsutflykterna till Trelleborg har dessa inställts. Följande observationer har gjorts av Stasimedarbetare ombord på färjorna:

Det förekommer försök att hoppa ner från färjorna i Östersjön, särskilt i Trelleborgs hamnområde. Från svensk sida drogs de som hoppat över bord sedan ombord på båtar, som låg beredda.

Det förekom att personer som försökte fly gömde sig i svenska bilar och ombord på svenska tågvagnar.

Enskilda personer har försökt fly över taken på järnvägsvagnar i samband med att dessa körts i land i Trelleborg.

Dokumentet är undertecknat “Braun Generalmajor”.

Här noteras att en östtysk medborgare omkom då han försökte hoppa ner från färjans däck och skadades svårt. Han avled senare på sjukhuset i Trelleborg. Flyktförsöket med dödlig utgång ägde rum sommaren 1961.

Reaktionen i det socialdemokratiskt styrda Sverige på Informs antikommunistiska verksamhet i Sydsverige under 1963 och 1964 visar på vilka åsikter som dominerade i svensk utrikesförvaltning och inom socialdemokratiska partiet i Tysklandsfrågan.

Borgerlig antikommunism betraktades som ett hot mot svensk säkerhet. De övervakades av Säpo och det framstod som betydelsefullt att lämna utrymme för östtysk propaganda i Sverige. Det demokratiska Västtyskland och diktaturregimen i Östberlin sågs som likvärdiga i det regerande partiets ögon.

Summary in English

During the 1960s there was an increasing concern in Bonn about East German propaganda advances in the Scandinavian countries especially in the Ministry of All German Questions. At the same time a formation took place in 1963 of an anticommunist student organization at the university of Lund in southern Sweden. Free Political Information Service (Inform) aimed at countering communist subversive activities in Sweden initially among students and youth. In 1964 Inform had a national and international network: students at the universities of Stockholm and Uppsala, Estonian students in Sweden as well as organizations in the field of critical information on communism in Denmark, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, France, England, Switzerland, Federal Republic of Germany, and Japan.

At the Swedish Embassy in Bonn the reaction was that of surprise and dismay when Kuratorium Unteilbares Deutschland (KUD), a West German federal state supported information organization, asked about Inform. KUD had been contacted by the organization in Lund, asking for literature on the East German regime and for support. The embassy wrote to the Foreign Ministry in Stockholm and asked for a “discreet investigation” of the student group. The matter was handed over to the Swedish Security Police (Säkerhetspolisen). This was the beginning of surveillance of center-right anticommunist organizations in Sweden which lasted into the 1980s.


October 7, 2016

Washington Times on September 20, 2016, published a review of “True Believer: Stalin’s Last American Spy” by Kati Marton, Simon and Schuster, $27, 289 pages. Excerpts below:

Soviet spy Noel Field was born into a prominent Quaker family…While at Harvard, his Quaker idealism, coupled with a loathing for capitalism, morphed into admiration for communism. Bent upon “reforming America,” he joined State’s Western European Division in 1926 and achieved a reputation for brilliance — and also for unconcealed leftism.

In a New Deal Washington teeming with communists and sympathizers, Field proved to be a prime prospect for Soviet intelligence recruiters. A legendary KGB recruiter known as “J. Peters” easily hooked Field. “An ideal target,” Kati Marton terms him. “Who would ever believe a well-mannered young man with deep New England roots and immaculate appearances such as Noel Field could betray his country?”

Lack of security made spying easy. “The mentality of the State Department was rather provincial This was evident from the careless manner in which state secrets were managed. The most secret documents, sometimes in multiple copies, circulated from hand to hand.

Field was careless to the point of recklessness. Contrary to KGB dicta, he subscribed to The Daily Worker, the U. S. communist newspaper, and flashed copies to make points in debates. He marched in leftist protest demonstrations. And perhaps most striking, he drove a group of friends to the Lincoln Memorial one evening, got out of the car, and loudly sang the “International” — in Russian.

Switching to the United Nations in Geneva in 1936, Field took on a most odious Soviet assignment — to help assassinate a longtime KGB officer named Ignace Reiss, who was threatening to defect to protest the Stalin “show trials” that killed many former associates. Field was tasked with watching for Reiss and notifying the assigned assassin if he appeared. As matters turned out, another killer disposed of Reiss (12 shots to the head). But as Ms. Morton observes, Field “had shown his willingness to do Moscow’s bidding — even as an accessory in a comrade’s murder.”

Field next shifted to France…And when war came, he sought out an old family friend, Allen Dulles, and signed on with the Office of Strategic Services. (The OSS director, Gen. William Donovan, had famously declared, “I’d put Stalin on the OSS payroll if I thought it would help us defeat Hitler.)

Field’s world tumbled in 1948. Communist agent Whittaker Chambers defected and revealed wide Red infiltration of Federal agencies. He named Field and Hiss, among others. Field sought refuge in Hungary, a Soviet puppet state.

Then another jolt: a paranoid Stalin accused Field and several other former agents for being secret American intelligence agents working against the USSR…

A stunned Field was tortured — at times so severely he had to be carried to his cell on a stretcher. He followed a prepared script and “confessed”… His sentence: five years in solitary confinement.

Field played along with his tormentors, faulting himself for lack of Communist character” and begging to continue with the party. Even the jailing of his wife, brother and adopted daughter did not shake his faith in communism. He chose to remain in Hungary after his release from prison — still worshipping a the feet of the failed god communism.


September 25, 2016

Journalisten, författaren och Östeuropaexperten Abrahamsson avled den 22 september 2016 i Gdynia, Polen. Kjell Albin Abrahamsson har varit medarbetare i tidskriften Contra. Hans artikel om vulgärvänstern i Contra nummer 4 2016 blev hans sista. Abrahamsson har hyllats som ”Sveriges bäste korrespondent” under sin tid vid Sveriges Radio, då han var stationerad i bland annat Moskva, Wien och Warszawa.

Den kanske viktigaste boken av Abrahamssons hand var ”Låt mig få städa klart!” (Hjalmarson & Högberg Bokförlag), en bred uppgörelse med kommunismen i Sverige och betydelsen av att vara antikommunist. Alla sansade människor i Sverige borde vara antikommunister sedan kommunismens brutalitet avslöjats efter Sovjets kollaps 1991.

I sin sista krönika 2016 gjorde den Jämtlandsfödde Abrahamsson upp med vänstern. Han jämför debattklimatet i Sverige med det som råder i Tyskland. Här nedan några utdrag ur artikeln i Contra:

Det intoleranta debattklimatet i Sverige skyller jag på vulgärvänstern som spelar en överdrivet stor roll i opinionsbildningen. I Tyskland finns också vad jag kallar för vulgärvänster som också rymmer en floskelvänster, gnällvänster, stolpskottsvänster, spendervänster, kulturvänster, identitetsvänster, skygglappsvänster, södermalmsvänster, finvänster, gatuvänster, hatvänster, etikettvänster, skäggvänster, rasvänster, kränkthetsvänster, gammalvänster, skrikvänster och kasta sten-vänster. I Tyskland är vulgärvänstern marginaliserad i samhällsdebatten, i Sverige leder den det offentliga samtalet.

Säkert finns det också i Tyskland en Martin Aagård, Henrik Arnstad, Dilan Apak, Lisa Bjurwald, Ali Esbati, Dror Feiler, Göran Greider, Rosanna Dinamarca, Anders Lindberg, Bahrang Tin Tin Miri, Karin Pettersson, Baker Karim, Åsa Linderborg och Fredrik Virtanen, men de återfinns i medielandskapets periferi, i marginalen. I Sverige däremot rör de sig i gammelmedias centrum.

För inte så länge sedan fanns på kultursidorna utrymme för konservativa röster som Gunnar Björk, Stig Strömholm, Sven Stolpe, Gunnar Unger. Visserligen är Johan Hakelius förträfflig men kan inte ersätta dem alla i vetande och lärdom.

I den svenska debatten har vulgärvänstern lyckats tysta alla som inte ylar med ulvarna.

Det finns gott om extremvänsterorganisationer och nätverk som tillåts arbeta nästan helt ostört av den enögda svenska journalistkåren: Antifascistisk Aktion (AFA), Revolutionära Fronten, Allt åt alla, Syndikalistiska ungdomsförbundet (SUF) eller den senaste skapelsen som visade upp sig på årets Prideparad: Svartrosa blocket vars mål är att stoppa ”poliser, moderater och andra nazister”.

Abrahamsson citerade också i sin artikel de numera klassiska orden av Horace Engdahl: ”Tyskland är ett Sverige för vuxna”.

Den antikommunistiska upplysningen kommer att fortsätta även efter Abrahamssons död men han lämnar en stor lucka efter sig. Tidskriften Contra kommer att fortsätta att informera om kommunismens brott. Utanför Sverige fortsätter ett mer omfattande antikommunistiskt upplysningsarbete. Ett estniskt initiativ vill att ledande kriminella kommunister från kommunisttiden i Europa ställs inför rätta. Det är betydelsefullt att kommunismens brott inte glöms bort. I de östeuropeiska länderna fortsätter brottsutredningarna och upplysningen om kommunismens brott. Den statliga tyska upplysningen om regimbrotten i DDR under sovjetockupationen är fortsatt ett föredöme.


July 21, 2016

År 1962 grundades den danska landsorganisationen Demokratisk Alliance (DA). Den vände sig främst till borgerliga antikommunister och hade till ursprungligt syfte att motarbeta Kampagnen mod Atomvåben som ett instrument för kommunistisk agitation mot USA och Danmarks NATO-medlemskap. Organisationens först aktioner kom dock att vända sig mot Nikita Chrusjtjovs besök i Danmark. Medlemmar av DA deltog våren 1964 i en antikommunistisk konferens i Lund organiserad av Inform – fri politisk informationstjänst, som bildats för att motverka och informera om kommunistisk undergrävande verksamhet i Sverige. Vid konferensen diskuterades bland annat internationellt samarbete i protesterna mot den ryske diktatorns besök sommaren 1964 i de skandinaviska länderna.

DA nådde snart ett landsomfattande medlemskap av ca 1 250. Från 1965 kom organisationen att engagera sig i den allt intensivare Vietnamdebatten. Från vänstersidan inleddes då en kampanj med telefonhot mot medlemmar av DA, i vilken bland annat ingick dödshot. 1970 upprättade Sydvietnam ett informationskontor i Köpenhamn där två ledande medlemmar av DA anställdes (redaktören Henning Jensen och Valter Loll).

I november 1965 bildades i Sverige Kommittén för ett Fritt Asien (KFA) med juristen och författaren Bertil Häggman (f. 1940) som ordförande. Syftet var att verka för en allsidig och objektiv information om Asien. Samtidigt som KFA stödde fria, icke kommunistiska stater i världsdelen ville man studera kommunistisk strategi, taktik och politik. Informationsarbetet kom främst att inriktas på det kommunistiska hotet mot Sydvietnam men avsåg också kommunistisk gerillastrategi i länder som till exempel Thailand och kommunistkinesisk politik i det ockuperade Tibet. Att väcka intresse för och ge understöd till studiet av asiatiska problem i ingick i KFA:s arbete och man önskade också medverka och uppmuntra till besök i Skandinavien av representanter för de fria staterna i Asien.

DA och KFA samarbetade med Komiteen for Sydøstasia (KSA) som bildades 1966 i Norge. Den var en föregångare till Norsk-Vietnamesisk Forbund (NVF), som grundades 1970. NVF arbetade bland annat med adoptioner från Vietnam till Norge. Ledande norska aktörer var bland annat Torbjørn Jelstad (1941 – 2006) och Per Flatabø.

Representanter för DA, KFA och KSA låg bakom inbjudan till den sydvietnamesiske ministern Tran Van An att besöka Skandinavien i november 1966. Världsinbördeskriget har tidigare skildrat de våldsamma vänsterextremistiska reaktionerna vid ministerns besök i Sverige och Danmark.

Som en följd av besöket kom under sommaren 1967 representanter för de tre organisationerna att inbjudas till Sydvietnam för ett studiebesök. Vid detta besök gavs rika tillfällen att i sydvietnamesiska media förklara varför vänsterextremister i de skandinaviska länderna kommit att dominera opinionsbildningen beträffande kriget i Sydöstasien.

Under den senare fasen av kriget i början av 1970-talet samarbetade KFA med det sydvietnamesiska informationskontoret i Stockholm. Ordföranden i KFA:s avdelning för norra Sverige, Göran Morander, publicerade 1972 boken FNL – terror eller befrielse? En studie av Sydvietnams Nationella Befrielsefront, dess historik, organisation, teknik och politik (Studentlitteratur, Lund). Morander konstaterade i sin undersökning att FNL i huvudsak var ett instrument för nordvietnamesisk aggression i Sydvietnam. Författaren kunde efter ett par rundresor i det sovjetiskt ockuperade Östeuropa dra slutsatsen att hyllningarna av FNL var mer intensiva i Sverige än i de kommunistiska staterna.

I den (opublicerade) artikeln ”Motståndskamp på kommunistiskt territorium” (1985) kunde Bertil Häggman konstatera att det verkliga befrielsekriget, det mot kommunistiskt förtryck, hade inletts. Han nämnde i artikeln den norske utrikesexperten och journalisten Frank Bjerkholts bok Vietnam – det store bedraget (1980). Den boken ingick i den omvärdering av Vietnamkriget, som ägde rum ibland annat USA och Frankrike men också i Norge i början av 1980-talet.

I april 1980 hade den Förenade nationella fronten för Vietnams befrielse (NUFLVN) bildats av exilvietnameser i Förenta Staterna. I frontens program lovades kamp mot rysk imperialism och för frihet och välfärd för det vietnamesiska folket i ett demokratiskt Vietnam. Våren 1984 inledde fronten radiosändningar från thailändskt territorium (Vietnamesisk motståndsradio). Ledare för NUFLVN var den sydvietnamesiske amiralen Hoang Co Minh (1935 – 1987). 1982 hade amiralen bildat Vietnamesiska reformpartiet (Viet Tan). Nuvarande partiledare är Do Hoang Diem.

Över 40 år efter det att totalitärt styre inrättades i hela Vietnam fortsätter arbetet för ett demokratiskt Vietnam av Viet Tan och andra partier i exil. Deras arbete är en fortsättning på Sydvietnams motståndskamp 1954 till 1975 mot kommunismen.


July 14, 2016

Volodomyr Viatrovych, director of the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory, in an article in Kyiv Post on June 17, 2016, refuted leftist media attacks on him and the work of the institute. There are several leftist journalists and academics in the West that attempt to smear Ukrainian freedom fighters of the 20th century. Excerpts below:

Journalist Josh Cohen’s article [“The Historian Whitewashing Ukraine’s Past”, Foreign Policy, May 2, 2016) claims that I, and others, are “whitewashing” Ukraine’s past. What we are really doing is de-Sovietizing it.

After reading the first few lines of his initial email requesting comment from me on February 25, I already understood he was talking to me as if I were the accused. “How would you respond to Western historians’ allegations that you or your staff has a willingness to ignore or even falsify historical documents?” he asked. His other questions were similar in nature.

Despite the angry, even accusatory, tone, I prepared detailed answers, and yet only fragments of my responses were printed in his article.

Cohen…quotes a Ukrainian historian named Stanislav Serhiyenko who laments the ways I could use a new law to restrict access to archives for research. I could not recall a historian with that name; that’s because Serhiyenko is not a professional historian, but rather a left-wing student activist, who works with and is published in the pro-Russian publication Gazeta 2000.

Cohen’s article is full of factual mistakes and distortions. Streets were not, as he wrote, renamed after leaders of the OUN and UPA under President Viktor Yushchenko, or if they were, there was never any direct involvement from the then-president.

The deeper the author [of the article] gets into history, the more errors there are. With ease, he states unconfirmed figures: 70,000-100,000 Poles were “killed by the UPA,” he says. These were the figures quoted in political statements but there is no study based on sources, or, at the very least, reliable methodology that calculates these numbers. The origin of the figure of 35,000 Jews Cohen claims were killed by nationalists in western Ukraine is also unclear. It’s one you can’t find in the works of even those historians who are the most critical of the OUN.

Furthermore, Cohen insists that the OUN took an active participation in the 1941 Jewish pogrom in Lviv. There are no OUN documents to suggest such an active participation of the organization during this time; while individual members of the OUN took part, the organization was more focused on announcing the June 30, 1941 Act of Restoring Ukrainian Independence.

OUN members…saved hundreds of Jews from German executioners — one of them being Olena Viter, a Greek-Catholic nun and OUN member who has been honored by Israel as one of the Righteous Among the Nations.

But aside from factual errors, and questionable sources, the bigger point is this: One of Cohen’s main arguments is that I am “whitewashing” Ukrainian history by including the Ukrainian liberation movement within Ukraine’s national historical narrative and ignoring its involvement in the Holocaust and the ethnic cleansing of Poles during the Second World War. He calls this “revisionist history.” I would disagree. During the Soviet period, the mention of the nationalists was automatically associated with Nazis (even though the two were not the same thing). Moreover, the Holocaust was almost completely Sovietized: that is, the emphasis was on how Soviet citizens were the real victims of the Holocaust, not Jews. In no way am I, or the Institute of National Memory, falsifying the “narrative of the Holocaust” — especially when that narrative was all but forgot in mainstream Soviet Ukrainian history. If anything, the Institute has worked hard to place the Holocaust — and its memory — back into the Ukrainian national historical narrative by including it in public displays and discussions.

Cohen also systematically ignores more than 10 years of history in which the Ukrainian nation was split between two larger countries, devastated by genocide, the Pacification, the Great Terror, repression and inter-ethnic strife. Yes, the OUN was a militant organization — no historian denies that fact. But what Cohen is doing is denying the importance of the OUN to western Ukrainian history during the interwar period…

Eastern Ukrainian history and western Ukrainian history were never identical, and one cannot please one group over another.

What I, and the Institute are working hard on doing, is advocating for a united national historical narrative in which all historical activities of all Ukrainians are mentioned — nationalist, communist, and even those of the diaspora Ukrainians who fought in the Allied forces on the beaches of Normandy, in Monte Cassino, and in the Pacific Theatre.

Cohen takes a very Soviet perspective on the history of Ukraine during World War II.

Ukrainians did kill other nationalities; they also killed other Ukrainians, and other nationalities killed each other, and Ukrainians, in horrible ways. This period of Ukrainian history resists being simplified to black and white. For instance, while, the OUN and UPA did not collaborate with the Germans or the Soviets, there were occasional individual pacts of understanding among all three.

The accusations that the OUN and UPA collaborated, and that they participated in the Holocaust and in ethnic cleansing are characteristic of Soviet historiography and propaganda. It’s a narrative that is still supported by a number of researchers in the West to this day (including those referred to in Cohen’s article…). But Cohen presents this as the only correct version of events, and thus, attempts to argue against their views, based on newly discovered documents becomes deplorable “revisionism” — words that, for many readers in the West, have a clear association with “Holocaust denial.”

The most important conclusion Cohen draws in his article is that I am restricting access to the archives in order to censor and promote my version of Ukrainian history…the number of users accessing the old KGB archives has significantly increased, including researchers from outside Ukraine, and the number of Ukrainian citizens gaining access to them has grown by almost 50 percent, according to archive data.

The transfer of historical documents from the Security Services, the Foreign Intelligence Services, and the Ministry of Interior not only rids these agencies of the extra work, but it also allows for the documents to be processed by historians and archivists, instead of soldiers and officers. This transfer is an important element of the general democratic transformation of a post-totalitarian society.

The International Council on Archives recommends, as best practices:

“Records produced or accumulated by former repressive bodies must be placed under the control of the new democratic authorities at the earliest opportunity and these authorities must assess the holdings in detail. … The security bodies must ensure the transfer of selected files and documents either to the national archives, to the institutions dealing with compensation or reparation for victims of the repression and purging of former officials, or to the Truth Commissions.”

This was why special archival laws were adopted last year; our law is similar to ones that already operate in 11 post-communist countries in eastern Europe (Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, and Romania, among others).

It is this very opening of communist secret service archives that is to act as the main guarantee against the state imposing one single view of the past. Furthermore, it helps serve as one of the guarantees of democratic development. This is why Ukraine chose to follow the examples of its neighbors after the Euromaidan.

This process sits in contrast to the closed Russian archives (which were recently put under the direct control of Putin). These serve as the foundation for the rehabilitation of totalitarianism, and are being used for this purpose today…this is quite another, more dangerous, story about the rewriting of the past and the use of archives, one to which Josh Cohen is not paying any attention.

Comment: The above article by Volodomyr Viatrovych is important setting the record straight as there is a number of leftist journalists and academics in the West who are involved in an attempt to slander Ukrainian freedom fighters, who in the 1940s and 1950s fought against Soviet and Nazi totalitarianism. A prominent leftist Swedish academic, Assistant Professor Per Anders Rudling at Lund University is among those who use the arguments of the Soviets against UPA, OUN and other Ukrainan liberation organizations. Rudlings’s articles are mainly published in leftist publications on the world wide web and he is constantly repeating the old Soviet lie that the Ukrainian anticommunist fighters were involved in the Holocaust. There has been international complaints against Rudling but Lund University has so far taken no action against him.


July 7, 2016

In May 2016 the Wilson Center in Washington DC published CWIHP e-Dossier No.73 on the Xinjiang exile government in Taiwan from 1954 to 1969 by Justin Jacobs. In September 1949, Republic of China officials in this far northwestern province of Xinjiang surrendered to the Chinese Communists…. Excerpts below:

Guerilla resistance movements soon broke out among several Uighur and Kazak groups, the most prominent of which were headed by Osman Batur, a Kazak chieftain from Altay, and Yolbars Khan, a Uighur official in Hami. After more than a year of sporadic resistance and desperate flight, both men reconvened…to discuss their dwindling options. Yolbars chose to head a small party of Uighurs and White Russians in hopes of reaching India via Tibet, while Osman remained behind with a small encampment of sick and injured Kazaks. Yolbars successfully reached India, where Nationalist officials offered to fly him onward to Taiwan. Osman was not so fortunate, meeting his end on the execution grounds of Urumchi in April 1951. More than two thousands Kazaks, however, left Osman behind and eventually settled in Kashmir.

Later that same year, Yolbars Khan arrived in Taipei…the [Taipei government] began to formulate long-term plans for the perpetuation of a Nationalist administration on Taiwan that continued to represent China in world affairs. One of these plans called for the creation of an Office for the Chairman of the Xinjiang Provincial Government (Xinjiang sheng zhengfu zhuxi bangongchu). This office was intended, along with the revival of the Committee for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs (Meng Zang weiyuanhui), to continue to lay claim to the non-Han lands and peoples of China’s northern and western borderlands. Among historians of modern China and Inner Asia, the Committee and its activities are fairly well-known.

The same cannot be said of the Xinjiang government in exile, which was headed by Yolbars Khan until his death in 1971.

There was [however] a competition between Yolbars Khan in Taiwan and Xinjiang refugee leaders Isa and Emin in Turkey to win declarations of loyalty from the thousands of Xinjiang refugees who continued to stream out of China throughout the Mao years.

Justin M. Jacobs is Assistant Professor of History at American University. He is the author of Xinjiang and the Modern Chinese State, available from University of Washington Press.


Excerpts from Report and Recommendations by Yolbars Khan on Uighur and Kazak Refugees in the Middle East, 16 July 1956

[Source: 11-04-01-11-02-030, “Xinjiang sheng zhengfu ji Zhongguo huijiao xiehui zhi guomin waijiao huodongi,” West Asia Division, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Archives of the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica. Obtained by Justin Jacobs and translated by Caixia Lu. Accessible at]


July 16
45th Year of the Republic [1956]

1. Since your humble servant [I] returned from the Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca in the 42nd year of the Republic [1953], I have called on you to present my report once, and it has been two years since I have presented myself in front of you to receive your instruction. On 13 January this year, I was summoned to see you but I happened to be ill thus I was unable to present myself for the meeting. I could only request to call on you in mid-June when I recovered. I wish to report and give suggestion on matters concerning the general conditions of and assistance to Xinjiang refugees overseas over the past year. But I was unable to do so as I had a relapse recently, which has gradually caused me to feel weary. I am afraid that this will be a lingering illness that will not permit me to call on you in the near future, which may delay your decision. Therefore I have compiled my reports and suggestions in writing for your reference and decision.

2. I am a junior official in a remote place and have neither learning nor skill. My only virtue is the determination to serve the party and the country, and I take it upon myself to fulfill Your Excellency’s long-cherished wish. Your Excellency is deeply aware that I have twice given up all my family possessions in aid of the country, and this time round I have even fled thousands of miles to Taiwan without anything. Our family has no choice but to depend on you for everything. Moreover, I have been in ill health all these years and am in constant need of medication. My health has taken a turn for the worse early this year, and I have been bed-ridden for seven months. I spent so much money that I find myself in serious debt, which I am unable to cope with. [For five nights, I wondered in shame?] Your Excellency’s loyal servant is shamelessly abasing himself to receive the charity of others. I would rather be honest with you to demonstrate my wholeheartedness. I urge Your Excellency to report the requests to…[meaning of following part of sentence unclear]

3. I plan to submit my request to call on you when my health improves slightly.

4. I hereby append four items of report, four items of suggestions and two items of requests for your instruction and approval.

Yours respectfully,
Yolbars [Khan]

Outline of Report and Suggestions

A. Items of Report:

1. General conditions of Xinjiang refugees living abroad:

i. General conditions:

Fellow countrymen who are seeking refuge overseas are mainly based in places such as Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Kashmir, and Pakistan. As for the number of refugees in each place, there are about 8000 or so in Saudi Arabia, about 1000 or so in Turkey, about 200 in Kashmir, about 400 in various areas in Pakistan, and about a few dozen people in Cairo. In all, there are about 11,000 people or so. In addition, there are also Xinjiang refugees in various Middle East countries such as Lebanon and Iraq, but there has been no accounting of their numbers, thus it is unclear how many people there are.

This makes the situation very unfavorable to the refugees who have undivided loyalty to our beloved motherland. But few of the refugees in these two countries have wavered all these years, and they have been in close contact with me, and there should not be any fundamental changes to this situation in the future. Refugees in Turkey have obtained citizenship from that country, and their circumstances are special.

ii. On the activities of the so-called “East Turkestan Independence Movement” led by Emin and Isa.

General situation:

Regarding the independence movement led by those such as Emin and Isa, I tried to talk sense into them and counsel them earnestly and sincerely, and have made repeated reports on what transpired.

3. On the situation in Xinjiang after its fall to the bandits:

As the Xinjiang province is in the inaccessible and remote frontier area, it is difficult to know the real situation behind the Bamboo Curtain apart from sporadic reports coming from Kashmir and Pakistan. Little news is being leaked out, except that in July last year [44th year of the Republic], local residents in Hotan were forced by hunger to stop the Communist bandits from transporting food supplies, and a large-scale bloody rebellion ensued. Similar incidents have also occurred in places such as Kashgar. It is proof of how the bandit gang is oppressing the Xinjiang compatriots and shows how the people are unhappy with Communist rule that they have risen in bloody rebellion. Thereafter, the bandit gang had announced the establishment of the Xinjiang Autonomous Region last year, with measures such as giving autonomous rule to the Uighurs in Southern Xinjiang. Based on the reactions of various parties, the compatriots of Xinjiang are very aware of the deceptive ways of the Communist bandits and this has not reduced their enmity toward the Communist bandits in the slightest bit.

4. The various activities of the Communist bandits in the Middle East:

The Communist bandits had originally been shunned by the Middle Eastern countries. For instance during the 42nd year of the Republic, the Hajj delegation sent by the bandit puppet regime to Mecca had already reached Pakistan, but found themselves in the awkward position of having to turn back when Saudi Arabia refused to let them in, which proves the point.

B. Items of Suggestion:

1. Organizing and gaining control of the Xinjiang refugees in various Middle Eastern countries:

Our international position in the Middle East is becoming increasing untenable ever since Egypt recognized the bandit puppet regime. But the shift in diplomatic position of Egypt and other countries seems to be the result of delicate relations caused by Arab-Israeli rivalry and British and French colonial policies, and not because they favor the Communist bandits while being prejudiced against us. Thus, it is not yet impossible to remedy the situation and prevent it from worsening. And we must not allow the conspiracy of Emin and Isa to gain traction. I think that in order to win over the Middle Eastern countries, we must first win over the compatriots in these countries, because they are all Muslims and have the same way of life and the same beliefs as the people in these countries, thus they are able appeal to their emotions and influence their minds. As for the activities of Emin and Isa, if we are to prevent them from achieving anything, our foremost task should also be to fight for the support of our compatriots. Thus it seems necessary to organize and gain control over the Xinjiang refugees in the Middle Eastern countries as soon as possible.

Method of implementation: propose to have the security bureau of the Supreme Defense Council look into and execute this.

2. Step up on publicity and pacification work in the Middle East:

Before we are able to effect measures to organize and gain control of compatriots in the Middle East, in order to achieve timely results, I propose that we should send Hajj pilgrimage and visiting delegations this year in order to prevent compatriots in these countries from feeling doubtful and hesitant.

3. Building of a mosque in Taipei:

The mosque is a place where Muslims pray to Allah, and wherever there are Muslims in the world, there will be magnificent and stately mosques. Since the bandit gang occupied the Mainland, there have also been mosques of significant scale built in Beiping, and they have also set up Islamic institutes in places such as Beiping, Dihua [Urumqi], and Lanzhou, so as to gain popularity by deceiving the people. Since the government shifted to Taipei, there have been many Muslim compatriots who have followed suit. Although there have also been mosques established here, they are all located in civilian homes and are cramped in scale.

Thus I think it is necessary to build a mosque of a sufficient scale. The Muslim compatriots in Taiwan have been thinking about this from very early on but are limited in their financial ability and cannot afford to do so.

4. Selection of exemplary young Muslims to further their studies in Taipei and relax the restrictions to enter Taiwan.

Education and culture not only helps to build a pool of talent for the country, but also play an important role in fostering a sense of mutual trust and unity. Although the government had spoken of grooming talented administrators for the border regions in the past and stipulated preferential rules for young people living in border regions wishing to further their education, attitudes have been a little passive, and those implementing it have not been able to understand the substance of such a policy.

Method of implementation:

i. I propose that the education ministry can draft detailed measures to stipulate that Taiwan’s universities, middle schools, and elementary schools must set aside a number of places for youths from the border regions in order to make it easier for them to study.

ii. Proposal to advise and urge youths from the border regions living overseas to come to Taiwan to study and for the government to provide them with travel fees and all living expenses for the period of study.

5. Please consider the setting up of a special fund to provide overseas temporary relief in a timely manner.

On the issue of providing relief to Xinjiang refugees living overseas, I have been putting in requests to the Executive Yuan and the Chinese Mainland Relief Association to do so for years, and most were collectively processed by region. But the official correspondence goes back and forth for years and the waiting refugees are grumbling. There were fewer cases of issuing small sums of temporary relief. It would seem that this is not practical, and I propose to set up a special fund to provide assistance in a timely manner, so as to bring real benefit.

Method of implementation: I propose to have a lump sum of 2,000 US dollars [enough to help about 130 people whose cases have been processed] or to increase the funding under my management with a temporary sum of assistance at 20,000 New Taiwan dollars per month, the surplus of which would be returned, whereas I would claim with receipts if there is a deficit.


July 6, 2016

In March 1970…an anticommunist regime was established in Cambodia under General Lon Nol. Delighted to see an anticommunist [government] emerging in Indochina, Chiang Kai-shek assigned General Wang Sheng the task of building ties between Taipei and Phnom Penh.

A ROC Military Mission…was installed in Phnom Penh to promote bilateral cooperation. Wang Sheng’s papers at the Hoover Institution Archives reveal that Lon Nol…wanted to introduce Taiwan’s political warfare system into his army…Beginning in September 1972, Wang’s personnel [went to] Cambodia to kick-start a psychological and political warfare training program, at the expense of Taiwan’s government budget. That cooperation soon expanded to several other fields such as intelligence gathering, mass mobilization, sabotage, raids, and infiltration. Wang Sheng conducted his last inspection trip to Cambodia in December 1974, only to witness the rapid worsening of morale and local economic and security conditions. On the eve of the collapse of the Lon Nol regime in mid-April 1975, Taiwan was the last country to evacuate its Military Mission in Phnom Penh.

The fall of Indochina to the Communists in the spring of 1975 increased Chiang Ching-kuo’s urgency in implementing Taiwan’s secret military and intelligence diplomacy.

Between the mid-1970s and the early 1980s, Wang Sheng conducted many clandestine visits to virtually every non-communist state in Southeast Asia, including Thailand (1975 and 1982), Indonesia (1975), the Philippines (1979), and Malaysia (1982), where he met with top leaders and discussed military and intelligence cooperation.


Wilson Center’s CWIHP e-Dossier no. 70, “Taiwan’s Cold War in Southeast Asia” by Hsiao-ting Lin. 2016.